originated, as Lippmann had demonstrated, in the "emotional reaction" to the "underlying little pictures" in their heads. They attached more importance to "moral gestures"—antitrust laws, vice crusades, periodic campaigns against corruption—than to efficiency.

The moralistic individualism that dominated public debate drove organizations concerned with efficiency underground. Corporations had to violate the antitrust laws in order to carry on their business. Political machines, which performed a "charitable function" for their constituents, had to operate sub rosa, since the public refused to acknowledge their legitimacy. The foolish attempt to stop people from drinking created an illicit traffic in liquor and a new class of criminals. The puritanical suppression of sex had the same effect, as Lippmann and other critics of "reform" had pointed out a long time ago. "These crusades are not remedies for the evil," Arnold said, "but a part of the total complex which creates it." They grew out of the "curious" concept of sin and the equally curious idea that government should seek to instill strength of character in its citizens. Such attitudes inhibited the growth of a "competent governing class" of "cheerful, practical technicians." The "disinterested type of men we would like to see in government" made the mistake of adopting the "role of missionaries to the heathen, instead of playing the part of anthropologists."

Arnold cited the American occupation of the Philippines as an encouraging example of what administrators could accomplish when they were not inhibited by obsolete notions of sin, guilt, and moral "character." The "heroism and self sacrifice" of American officials, "unselfish in their interests," had produced an "amazing" record of "improvement." "Disease was reduced, social work carried on, living conditions made better"—all because the usual objections to paternalism did not apply to the government of "our little brown brothers." The "imperialistic ideal," together with "our natural humanitarian impulses," made it possible "to treat these primitive people better than our own." "We were not afraid of ruining their character because we did not think of them as equals who had characters to ruin."

Not content with this affront to liberal prejudices against imperialism, Arnold held up the government of insane asylums as another model of enlightened administration. "From a humanitarian point of view the best government is that which we find in an insane asylum," where the presid

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